Venezuela Today
Hugo Chávez's Triple Struggle
- 2003-01-07
Chatting with Chávez
- 2002- 03-17
Liberty & People -
analysis of Bolívar's political writings, 1982
Hugo Chávez's
Triple Struggle
Chávez wins some, loses some
This is why the Venezuelan conflict is so confusing: There
are at least three different kinds of conflict going on, and
the good guys in one or two of them are not always the good guys
in the other one or two. First and most obviously to observers
on the street, there's the ethnic-cum-class conflict that Amy
Chua wrote about in The New York Times (op-ed, 2003-01-07).
In that one, Chávez has consistently been on the side
of the pardos, the darker ones, and the humbler masses
who've been excluded from the riches brought by oil from the
very beginning. That makes him and his followers the good guys,
in my book.
Second, there is a struggle to regain a greater share of the
oil wealth for the Venezuelan nation. This has been the main
objective of the oil reform Chávez has been insisting
on. Here it's a little trickier figuring out who are the good
guys. Since the so-called Oil Opening of the 1990s, the executives
of the state oil company, PDVSA, have been running it almost
as an autonomous enterprise, independent of the government. Given
that past governments were notoriously corrupt (Pres. Carlos
Andrés Pérez was a particularly conspicuous example),
that wasn't altogether a bad thing; given that the PDVSA executives
themselves were, if not corrupt, at least self-serving, then
it wasn't such a good thing either. The net result was that very
little of the oil revenue was available for development of things
like infrastructure and public services that would benefit the
masses of the people. On the whole, I think the Chávez
backed reforms are a necessary and good thing.
Third, there is a struggle for political control, not just
of PDVSA but of all the institutions. Here is where Chávez
committed the "blunders" that Amy Chua and others talk
about. As Luis Lander and Margarita López-Maya pointed
out in an insightful article (NACLA Report on the Americas,
July/August 2002), one of these blunders was signing the reform
into law without extensive public debate. "This made it
difficult for the common citizen to identify the competing interests
involved," they write. "Further, during the three years
of his administration, President Chávez has designated
five different presidents of PDVSA... So the directors of the
company feel insecure, unstable and ill-at-ease, and with some
reason."
He finally got it right, it seems, with his sixth PDVSA president,
Alí Rodríguez. But Chávez's government continues
to waver between populist generosity and reckless bull-headedness
(as seen in his relations with the Caracas mayor and police force).
This is the problem with basing your political philosophy on
a 200-year old military aristocrat, as I pointed out in my essay
on "Bolivarian Democracy."
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Part
I: Oil Transforms the Nation: 1917-1935
Part
II: Riding the Whirlwind: 1935-1958
Part
III: Hugo Chávez's failed coup
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